Ïlýrhonid
The Ïlýrhonid, or Elironid, Tribe was the earliest confirmed Ibrófeneð community. It was situated in the Nuzowli Mountain Range and bordered the Kairn River System. The Yitdish Ruins, the Ïlýrhonidian settlement, was closed off to an exceptional degree, keeping what is likely to have been the entire Ibrófeneðian population enclosed in it until 25032 AYM.
The Ïlýrhonid Tribe prided itself on unity, and pushed forward a religious and political attitude that emphasized the collective work of the people in the maintenance of the settlement and the defense against what was deemed the 'Zar-Isyer-Akwor', a race of beings designed to torment, corrupt, and kill the Ibrófeneðian species. It is likely that this attitude towards the outside world was due to a major event in the settlement's prehistory, but no such event has been found in the currently-extant annals. Nonetheless, its annals of recorded history, most notably the Gaðërïŋ-Hýša and to a lesser extent the Žötó-Ïdhatón, which are the primary sources for all historical events before 25032 AYM, hold evidence that do imply the existence of a major event that may have caused the mass consolidation of the Ibrófene.
The History of the Ïlýrhonid Tribe is typically divided based on the political, civil and cultural situation. Being totally isolated from all other cultures, and quite possibly the only extant Ibrófeneðian culture in its time, the Ïlýrhonid Tribe remained relatively unchanged as the center of Ibrófeneðian culture until 25032 AYM, in what is known as the Ënúb-Hýšaï and Arfarotï periods. However, a growing movement (Ýmïlýrhonid Movement) in favor of individual familial governance over the centralized Ïlýrhonidian authority caused a gradual migration away from the Tribe, forming the Heta-Alšewharžar and other tribes like Loðo, Nekara, and Aeginias. The fued between Varonith-Callauz and Kairn in particular posed an immediate danger and source of tremendous fear towards the Ïlýrhonidian people, which only served to accelerate emigration until only one family, the Ïlamatril family, remained. This family made a few late reforms in an attempt to revive itself before being wiped out in a flash flood in 22711 AYM.
Despite its short life and the berth of information regarding its history, Ïlýrhonidian culture persisted for centuries after its demise, primarily due to its place as the first known stable culture. This is most evident in what is now dubbed the Púlö-Ïlýrhonid, that is, the Ïlýrhonidian Question, which practically ensured that any and all emigrants had to tussle with the dilemma of whether their new way of living was to align with (Ëvoðo-Fötïlýrhonid, or Neo-Ïlýrhonism) or go against (Ëvoðro-Ýmïlýrhonid, or Anti-Ïlýrhonism) any and all facets of the Ïlýrhonid Culture, including, but not limited to, art, architecture, philosophy, and governance.
The demise of the Ïlýrhonid Tribe led inevitably to the rise of the family as the dominant power group, including such notable instances as the Ylaeintughian Civil War, the Kaultedtian Wars and the Tayzem Campaign, each of which resulted in devastating amounts of casualties as families struggled between each other and at times within each other for the right to rule. The only major exception was Varhoŋïð, whose melting-pot of cultures, made mainly of individual emigrants with little ties to family, saw wars like the First, Second, and Varonian Civil War erupt mainly on the basis of material interests and geopolitics, setting the stage for what was often deemed the Second Ïlýrhonid, Ardunioz, in 24533 AYM.
Table of Contents
Nomenclature
The name Ïlýrhonid has an unclear origin; no surviving Eldrond or Ýlbrïfon words seem to match it. However, evidence points to its name being derived from an older language that predated Ýlbrïfon.
Th oldest known instance of the word 'Ïlýrhonid' is are multiple intricate carvings in the sides of governmental buildings like the Ëzó-Rhegarhifiŋ and Ëzó-Rhažóval. However, it is virtually absent from the Žötó-Ïdhatón, which has led to theories that Ïlýrhonid was not the main name of the Tribe, but rather anything from the remnants of a ruler's propaganda messages, a religion's lost god, a common ancestral family, and many other possibilities. Despite this, it's accepted that, by the time of the Arfarotï period, the Ïlýrhonid name had been accepted into society as the definitive name of the Tribe, but any evidence beyond this regarding the original meaning of Ïlýrhonid is extremely piecemeal.
History
Ënúb-Hýšaï (unknown - 25187 AYM)
Main Article: Ënúb-Hýšaï
The time period known as Ënúb-Hýšaï refers to any date before the earliest legible entry in the Gaðërïŋ-Hýša, the main source of Ïlýrhonidian history. This such entry, the coronation of Úšýŋeban as Hyvamto-Re-Elironid in 25187 AYM, is the last reliable date and thus the boundary of what can be confidently cited as definitive history. Here, thus, the main source of documentation is the Žötó-Ïdhatón, a grand set of family-specific information, mainly geneologies, that trace each family's lineage back to around 30000 AYM.
Ënúb-Ëlhiï (unknown - 31757 AYM)
Main Article: Ënúb-Ëlhiï
Perhaps the most elusive time period in all of Ibrófeneðian history is the Ënúb-Ëlhiï, the time period before 31757 AYM, the last recorded date in the Žötó-Ïdhatón, which was also named the Gaðërïŋ-Ëlhiï in the time of the Ïlýrhonid Tribe. This time period in particular could hold potential answers to many of the Ibrófeneð species' greatest mysteries, including how the Žötó-Ýsïb were founded, the settling at the Yitdish Ruins, and what became of those that lived in the Kalzuth Ruins. Because the Žötó-Ïdhatón and Gaðërïŋ-Hýša both fail to reach back this far, there are no such ways to verify any discoveries that date back to this time period.
Perhaps the most intriguing find dating to around this time period is the Úmil-Ïdhatón, a collection of writings carved into various caves, cliffs, and stone artifacts in and around the Amoŋot Desert. A handwritten date near them places its writings to 31865 AYM, and, when put in date order, the carvings imply a path that wandered aimlessly throughout the Desert before stopping at the Ýhasin Mountain Range. The carvings themselves are from someone referred to simply as 'Úmil', who seemed to be well-known even throughout the Arfarotï period; it was observed that Hayïd founded the first city, Óm-hayïd, at the site of one of Úmil's carvings.
Ëlhiviï (31757 - 25187 AYM)
Main Article: Ëlhiviï
The Ëlhiviï period refers to the range of time covered by the Gaðërïŋ-Ëlhi but not by the Gaðërïŋ-Hýša. In terms of hypotheses regarding the origin of the Ïlýrhonid Tribe, the Ëlhiviï is by far the most theorized about, given the sheer amount of documentation (about 3,000 stone panels altogether) and the diversity from family record to family record. Numerous evidence point to a possible conjoining of the 12 Žötó-Ýšïb happening in this time period. This includes the fact that most of the earliest extant panels are made of stone not normally found in the Yitdish Ruins, several possible yet inconsistent references to an 'Úmil' are known to exist, and a period of greatly reduced birth rates and lifespans exists across all family geneologies and could be the impetus for a grand migration to the Ïlýrhonid Tribe's current settlement, as well as their reasoning for the increasingly isolationist worldview possessed by the surviving residents.
Arfarotï (25187 - 25032 AYM)
Main Article: Arfarotï
The crown jewel of Ïlýrhonidian history, the Arfarotï is the time period in which Ïlýrhonidian culture reached its greatest recorded extent. It lasted from the beginning of the Gaðërïŋ-Hýša in 25187 AYM to the emergence of the Ýmïlýrhonid Movement via the Hayïdic Expedition in 25032 AYM, but some historians will place the endpoint at the second Yarpalïŋ-Ýmïlýrhonid, the Wýðúric Expedition of 25026 AYM.
The Arfarotï is generally split into two subperiods, the Ýmor-Šïwëðo and Ýmor-Šapariž. The primary figures here are the Žötó-Žimiara, a group of Ïlýrhonidians from all families whose innovations in numerous fields spurred the deviation from a collective tribal mass towards a community divided chiefly by family. By the start of the Ýmïlýrhonid Movement, less than half of all governmental figures were active in tribal rule.
Ýmor-Šïwëðo (25187-25110 AYM)
Main Article: Ýmor-Šïwëðo
The Ýmor-Šïwëðo concerns the period before the emergence of the Žötó-Žimiara but after the earliest recorded date in the Gaðërïŋ-Hýša. It is one of the least-recorded periods, and the motive behind this lack of records is debated, with some arguing it is a less-rigorous extension of the purging of records found in the Hýšaviï period and others arguing that it is representative of a period of peace within the tribe.
Ýmor-Šapariž (25110-25032 AYM)
Main Article: Ýmor-Šapariž
The Ýmor-Šapariž is one of the most active and tumultuous periods in Ïlýrhonidian History. The events here can be seen as revolving around two extensive intervals of natural disasters that bookend the period. Specifically, the differences in response from the Ïlýrhonidian government and a special group called the Žötó-Žimiara would serve as the initial impetus behind the Ýmïlýrhonid Movement, that is, the growing public sentiment towards emigration and a resettlement outside the tribe.
The first interval occurred from 25100 to 25080 AYM, and, in the context of the tribe, it began right around the time of Žaðolý and Pehóžk, who are considered the first active members of the Žötó-Žimiara. From this first period of natural disasters would spring up the first few groups of the Žötó-Žimiara; these would focus their innovations on curbing the damage from these disasters, thus giving a very functional application to their use. Due to the urgency of the situation, these ideas were dissimenated throughout the tribe and widely used, but it was the comparative lackluster response from the Ïlýrhonid government that would draw many public sentiment away from them and towards a more familial-centered form of local governance.
Between the two periods of natural disasters was a period of cultural fluorishing, as the activity incited by the first period spilled over after the climate simmered down. However, without any large threat to combat, the innovations here were largely cultural, possessing a focus towards art, architecture, and religion. Being a product of familial sentiments rather than tribal ones, the innovations were largely contained to each family, rarely spreading to others. This would result in each family gradually drifting away from each other in their way of life, such that by 25045 AYM, they were unrecognizable from their past 25080 AYM selves.
Initially welcomed by the government, and thus somewhat repairing relations between them and the populace, the situation quickly soured with the rise of Rzüýŋ in 25050 AYM. The Farïnýð Family's sole member of the Žötó-Žimiara, he asserted the falsehood of the Kavamïŋ-Ïlýrhonid (the state religion) and argued that it served only as a device to keep the populace locked inside the tribal walls. It is this crucial declaration, a central tenet of his alternative religion, Kavamïŋ-Züýŋ, that greatly divided the tribe; each family grappled with the implications in different ways, with some accepting them and others rejecting them. Ržüýŋ would die under mysterious circumstances in 25044 AYM, resulting in a cultural lull as fear and uncertainty swept across the tribe. His death is typically marked as the end of the Žötó-Žimiara, both due to the way in which it indirectly silenced all other members and due to the severity of the coming events.
The death of Ržüýŋ would coincide with the emergence of a second period of natural disasters lasting from 25045 to 25021 AYM. It was much more severe than the first period, and most of the contributions devised back then were rendered useless or even harmful. Once again, the government could not garner the resources to help its people, not only due to the severity, but also because the Žötó-Žimiara had changed each Family so much that their needs were often completely different and sometimes contradictory. This would result in the Nüvraŋ-Ýlëntuk, a controversial 25035 AYM document in which the Hyvamto-Re-Elironid, Anirhož, acknowledged the untenability of the situation and informed the Ýlëntuk Family that it had to sacrifice their needs for the good of the rest of the tribe.
It is with this profound sense of internal division, fear, and instability, that the Ïlýrhonid Tribe entered the Heta-Ýmor-Vëtam in 25032 AYM.
Heta-Ýmor-Vëtam (25032 - 24980 AYM)
Main Article: Heta-Ýmor-Vëtam
The Heta-Ýmor-Vëtam, or First Dark Age, saw the departure of four families: Ýlëntuk, Farïnýð, Ürïstúd, and Khólteð. In essence, it was the culmination of the growing sentiment away from the central government of Ïlýrhonid and towards the familial unit, represented in events like the Syöwú-Iyöphl and the Crisis of 24982 AYM. It is often nicknamed the 'Era of the Family', as it was this time period where the family units held the most power, both within and outside of the walls of the Tribe.
Outside the Ïlýrhonid Tribe, the Heta-Ýmor-Vëtam is known as being the formative period for most members of the Heta-Alšewharžar.
Yarpalïŋ-Ýmïlýrhonid
Main Article: Yarpalïŋ-Ýmïlýrhonid
The Yarpalïŋ-Ýmïlýrhonid are perhaps the most important events in the Heta-Ýmor-Vëtam, as they systematically broke down the legal, religious, and societal barriers to emigration and, through their successes or failures, determined the state of the Heta-Alšewharžar and the conflicts that would shape them. However, for the Ïlýrhonid Tribe, this level of upheaval was catastrophic, leading to almost half its population leaving, a permanent stain on the Ïlýrhonid governmental and religious circles, and a tribe-wide crisis that would result in an irreperable separation in relations between government and family.
There are 6 Expeditions in total. For brevity, they will be summarized below.
- Hayïdic Expedition (2 Heta-Eimarae to 11 Suta-Eimarae, 25032 AYM): The first of the Yarpalïŋ-Ýmïlýrhonid, this was a secretive mission arranged by Hayïd, using the partial collapse of the tribal walls to secure governmental approval to protect the tribe during repairs. Because sentiments regarding emigration were at an all-time high, the members reached 4,300 in total, of which 1,600 went with Hayïd out into the southern Amoŋot Desert. There, they formed the three cities of Óm-hayïd, Tý-hayïd, and Yuževhït, but the secrecy of the mission meant that their food supply was ill-prepared, and the region was found to not have any stable sources of food. As such, over 800 of its members died of starvation, and the 2,700 left to defend the walls mysteriously disappeared. The tragedy of the mission caused the Ýmïlýrhonid Movement to tank, delaying further expeditions by 5 years.
- Wýðúric Expedition (25 Anta-Eimarae, 25027 AYM to 6 Yota-Eimarae, 25026 AYM): The Wýðúric Expedition was arranged by Wýðúr and Ikheðep, the latter of whom was a survivor of the Hayïdic Expedition. Instead of going westward to the southern Amoŋot Desert, they opted to go northwards, via the left fork of the Kairn River System, where they reached the northern reaches of the Desert. Using the wood gathered from the Volain Forest, the Expedition constructed large poles called Wëbëlup-Wýðúr, which would allow for backtracking. These markers would serve as the basis for many cities in the Hýyo-Wýðúr, but only Güðün would be founded directly by the Expedition members. Only seven members died in this expedition. In response to the contradictory results of the Hayïdic and Wýðúric Expeditions, a wave of fear and panic spread across the tribe, characterized by the rise of Kavamïŋ-Hnúyo-Krašl and the systematic killing of the Hayïdic Expedition members.
- Khýnýšic Expedition (3 Suta-Eimarae, 25026 AYM to 17 Heta-Eimarae, 25025 AYM): The Khýnýšic Expedition was the shortest of the five, and organized, this time solely, by Ikheðep. In response to the chaos incited by the Wýðúric Expedition, he and a small group set out to bring back members of both previous expeditions to disprove the Kavamïŋ-Ïlýrhonid and Kavamïŋ-Hnúyo-Krašl. As a result, the Abolishment of the Kavamïŋ-Ïlýrhonid occurred in 2 Nota-Eimarae, 25025 AYM, reflecting a grand shift in Ïlýrhonid perspective, from dogmatically adhering to religious beliefs to embracing the idea of emigration and beginning the establishment of diplomatic relations.
- Šókhekic/Alëhadic Expeditions (5 Nota-Eimarae, 25021 AYM to 12 Suta-Eimarae, 25019 AYM): Occurring after the substantial development of settlements in the outside world, the fourth expedition was formed to gather information on the geopolitical situation of the various tribes in existence during this time, especially in the Amoŋot Desert. However, as they approached the fork of the Kairn River, the two groups accidentally split, with the Šókhekic Expedition taking the west fork as intended, but the Alëhadic Expedition taking the east fork to the Ðýmóš Plains. The Šókhekic Expedition is typically known for producing the Gaðërïŋ-Šókhekka, an extensive treatise on all aspects of the Amoŋot Desert at the time and one of, if not the most reliable source on this era. Initially adhering to this goal of documentation as well, the Alëhadic Expedition switched to pursuing the construction of a grand trade route between the Plains and the Desert. This would be done via support from the local population, who were attracted to the possibility of economic prosperity. Altogether, over 2,000 kilometers of roads were constructed, taking them within 500 kilometers of their target city, Güðün. However, the departure of the Ýlëntuk Family in mid-25020 AYM, and the subsequent split into Varhoŋïð-Khalúš and Kairn, the former of which would forcibly occupy Güðün, put a major roadblock in their plans, and forced the Alëhadic and Šókhekic Expeditions to return back to the Ïlýrhonid Tribe.
- Úrïsic Expedition (10 Suta-Eimarea, 25019 AYM to 3 Heta-Eimarae, 25017 AYM): The only Expedition to begin after the Ýlëntuk Family's departure in 25020 AYM, this occurred right after the Ambush of Ŋópïŋ-Arún-Khërn, which formally split the Family into the tribes of Varhoŋïð-Khalúš and Kairn. This was the impetus behind the First Ýlëntukian War, part of the larger Ýlëntukian Civil War, in which the Khalúšians would repeatedly attempt to take control of the Ïlýrhonid Tribe. To help curb the threat, the Úrïsic Expedition, comprised mostly of members of the Ürïstúd Family, was sent out into the Amoŋot Desert to gather military support. This was most effective in the Hýyó-Hayïd, where the loss of their flagship city Óm-Hayïd was strong enough to cause the formation of the Maðúšýï, a powerful raiding group, who would continuously pummel the southern Khalúšian cities for the next 100 years.
Government
The Ïlýrhonid community functioned mostly as a semi-absolute monarchy, with the leader of the tribe, known as the Hývamto-Rhïlýrhonid, writing laws and declarations for the tribe; however, it was up to the Alaghúl-Garhifiŋ, aka the Council of Law, whose responsibility it was to both enact the rules of the tribes and to ensure that said rules were followed throughout the colony. All this information about the Ïlýrhonidian government was gathered from various stone tablets, which are, along with other tablets, collectively called the Ïlýrhonid Treatise.
The Ïlýrhonid tribe consisted of 12 distinct families; the heads of 11 of these families made up the council of law. The Hývamto-Rhïlýrhonid, the supreme leader of the tribe, was the head of the 12th family. After the death of the Hývamto-Rhïlýrhonid, the power wouldn't be transferred to his children; instead, a vote would be held among the public to decide the family that would reign next.
The Hývamto-Rhïlýrhonid possessed the ability to make laws, with two notable exceptions; the laws could not include a death penalty, and all laws were to apply regardless of familial background. After creation, the Council of Law would review the law for at most 1 month. Any suggestions would be given to the Hyvamto and he would be given time to revamp it or scrap it altogether before sending it back to the Council.
To prevent any bias, the heads were prohibited from meeting any of the other heads, and Eovrisibb was prohibited.
Families
This is the list of all 12 families; 11 of these left the Ýlïrhonid tribe sometime before the tribe's downfall in 22711 AYM.
Ýlëntuk family: left 25030 AYM
Farïnýð family: left 25000 AYM
Ürïstúd family: left 24987 AYM
Khólteð family: left 24981 AYM
Bašurhúd family: left 24616 AYM
Tómošek family: left 24332 AYM
Ažukhald family: left 24192 AYM
Žútemeld family: left 23813 AYM
Nüvodüno family: left 23291 AYM
Ërtúfën family: left 23291 AYM
Ïntiyóða family: left 22898 AYM
Ïlamatril family: never left
Organization of the Communes
The Council and the Hyvamto lived in individual houses near the center of the tribe. These houses, called Ëzó-Rhažóval, formed a ring around the Ëzó-Rhegarhifiŋ, the meeting house of the council and the Hyvamto. The territory inhabited by the public civilians is separated by family; from each Ëzó-Rhažóval, rays extended to the outer walls of the tribe, essentially dividing the tribe into 12 equal segments. One family lived in each segment. As families left the tribe, the remaining tribes would decide amongst themselves on how to divide up that territory, usually among the neighboring tribes.
Religion and Mythology
The Religion of the Ïlýrhonid Tribe was a combination of a rich set of mythologies that extended into the present, and holidays, duties, and actions that, in turn, served to bolster and inform these mythologies. A powerful force within the tribe, it was especially influential in its governance and philosophy, as the fear it instilled created a society that valued material abundance above all else.
Zar-Isyer-Akwor
Main Article: Zar-Isyer-Akwor
The mythology of the Elironid religion, commonly called the Kavamïŋ-Ïlýrhonid in Eldrond (literally Religion of the Elironid) is based around the existence of a group of mysterious deities called the Zar-Isyer-Akwor, whose sole purpose appears to have been to torment and corrupt the Ibrovinid species. This information comes from a set of myths in the Gaðërïŋ-Hýša, the main collection of Ïlýrhonid texts. It is usually thought to be a mix of historical fact and supernatural embellishment, and provides a narrative for the formation of the Ïlýrhonid Tribe, the state of the outside world, and the main figures involved in these aspects.
Beyond the narrative, the Kavamïŋ-Ïlýrhonid served as the main factor keeping the Ïlýrhonid population within the walls of their tribe. It relied most heavily on the perceived threat of the Zar-Isyer-Akwor, which included the powers of impersonation, mind control, tunnel burrowing, shapeshifting, and a limited form of resuscitation. Multiple holidays were conceived as means of conducting rituals to fend off these threats, both on the individual and tribal levels. This mutual fear of the Zar-Isyer-Akwor spread to other aspects of the Ïlýrhonid mentality, like one's personal dignity, interests, and lifestyle, which essentially held Ïlýrhonidian culture in a chokehold until the Arfarotï period.
Hyvam and Vëtam
In contrast to the likely-imaginary threat of the Zar-Isyer-Akwor, the prominent figures of Hyvam and Vëtam, and the items associated with them, are most often asserted to be based at least partially on fact. Their names are listed in the Žötó-Ïdhatón as being members of the Farïnýð and Ïntiyóða families, respectively, and supposedly lived around 35000 AYM.
Hyvam and Vëtam are usually celebrated for to their roles in leading the various families to the Yitdish Ruins. Hyvam, the head of his family, became an unofficial leader among all the families due to his role in consolidating, connecting, and organizing what would become the Ïlýrhonid Tribe. Among these feats, the various treks he made into the wilderness to fetch stragglers and search for other groups are legendary and one of the most studied aspects of the Kavamïŋ-Ïlýrhonid. However, scholars typically agree that the character of Hyvam was likely a combination of multiple real-life figures, including heads of multiple families.
In contrast, Vëtam is seen as a tragic figure, whose life is portrayed as one of sacrificial heroicism. He is known for being one of the first at the Ruins and for amputating his own legs to serve as fuel for the bonfire flare lit on the Nuzowli Mountain Range. Upon running out of legs, he sacrificed himself by throwing himself into the ocean, where the mythos says a group of Zar-Isyer-Akwor, who would otherwise continue uninterrupted towards the Ïlýrhonid Tribe, found and ate his body. In such a formative and thus vulnerable stage of the tribe, this threat would have caused the deaths of those in the Ruins.
Together, Hyvam and Vëtam represent a cornerstone of the Ïlýrhonid mythos through their importance in sustaining the tribe and shaping its organizational, social, and cultural structure that would persist until the Arfarotï period. This importance, and their deification, was the engine that provided a near-consistent trust in the central government. In addition, they were honored substantially in all facets of Ïlýrhonidian culture, so much so that they were given specialized constellations and holidays within the calendar, and the verbs 'to lead' and 'to sacrifice' were specially designated as Hyvam and Vëtam, respectively.
Culture
Artistic
The artstyle of the Ïlýrhonid Tribe can be split into two kinds: Ótaš-Ïlýrhonid, its artstyle before the Arfarotï Period, and Ótaš-Žötó-Žimiara, its artstyle from the Arfarotï Period onwards, incorporating the sweeping effects of the Žötó-Žimiara. This incorporates elements of sculpture and carvings; being the result of a massive wave of emigration, the Ïlýrhonid Tribe is likely to have forgotten the various family-specific styles in favor of a tribe-encompassing style, much akin to the tribe's tendency to do the same for language and religion. Any such styles using dyes and pigments in particular would have been forgotten by the time of the Gaðërïŋ-Hýša simply due to decay, generational change, and cultural incorporation.
Ótaš-Ïlýrhonid
Main Article: Ótaš-Ïlýrhonid
The Ótaš-Ïlýrhonid is the artstyle and architectural style of the tribe before the events of the Arfarotï Period, notably, during the Ënúb-Ëlhiï and Ënúb-Hýšaï Periods. Artifacts during this time period are extremely scarce due to the extent of cultural shift that took place during the Arfarotï Period, but a few fragments do remain. Notably, however, they are almost all sculptural, and barely any handheld items have survived.
- First versions of the government buildings, namely Ëzó-Rhažóval and Ëzó-Rhegarhifiŋ (remnants buried under the new, Žimiarian-era buildings, but plans and written records do survive within the records of the Gaðërïŋ-Hýša)
- Walls of the Tribe itself (heavily damaged)
- Several underground chambers in a variety of locations around the tribe (most likely neglected/forgotten during the Arfarotï Period)
- 3 of 8 original legs of Vëtam's skeleton (only extant handheld items)
Commonalities between these objects show that the early artistic style of the Ïlýrhonid Tribe was not highly developed, but still very abstract. Its main feature, common to all artifacts, is the style's Ótaš-Ibrófeneð, or its depiction of the Ibrófeneð itself, which bears significance as being an agglomeration of at least two languages. More specifically, the marks used in this depiction, via Ïfon-Šïrëhot, are most likely Ïlamatrian in origin, but the corresponding sounds of these marks, via Ïfon-Wë, which make up the origin of the name Ibrófeneð, are Ërtúfian in origin.
In general, the Ótaš-Ïlýrhonid was very practical in style; it featured minimal decoration, and the houses were simple cubic structures, each around 25-40 square meters in area, bearing a roof 3-4 meters high, and typically hand-dug or hand-sculpted. A select few of them had basements, but the technology had not developed far enough to allow for additional upper floors.
However, the Ïlýrhonid Tribe did recognize the symbolic value of architecture; plans of the government buildings show a series of linked passageways from the Ëzó-Rhegarhifiŋ to each of the Ëzó-Rhažóval, and the former was specifically constructed in a circular design to show impartiality to all families, and was about 3.4 times larger in area than all other houses due to its role as the meeting place for the Aizu-Re-Garifiln.
Ótaš-Žötó-Žimiara
Main Article: Ótaš-Žötó-Žimiara
This artstyle and architectural style refers to that of the Ïlýrhonid Tribe during the Arfarotï, Heta-Ýmor-Vëtam periods. Rather than evolving as a whole, the artstyles here split and diverged in many different directions, as the changes made by the Žötó-Žimiara were extremely focused on the plight of each individual family. The major exception to this were those of the Ýlëntuk Family, whose changes, namely the road-and-pit system of Žaðolý and the Ótaš-Ašamóš architectural style, benefited all other tribes by allowing the abundance of rocks to be safely and efficiently put to use as food and building material and greatly reducing the damage caused by earthquakes, which, unlike most other natural disasters affected all families of the tribe equally.
The term Ótaš-Žötó-Žimiara thus encompasses this great diverging of cultures and the specific artstyles of each family as well.
Values
Being the parent civilization of most, if not all, successive cultures, the Ïlýrhonid Tribe's values are often considered the basis behind those of all other Ibrófeneðian cultures. Importantly, it is defined by two traits: the importance of the number 2, and the representation of any city or group of individuals as a supernatural or spiritual Ibrófeneð in itself.
Importance of the number 2
The high amount of respect given to the number two is mainly evolved simply from the the Ibrófeneð creature's physiology. In particular, the process of Ýyorhïsïb, that is, reproduction, involves the use of the Maprezarnobud, or reproductive cells, which exist as two different substances in separate compartments. Upon engaging in Ýyorhïsïb, an Ibrófeneð will select either of the two substances, at which point the supply of the other is dissolved and redistributed to other parts of the body and the compartment itself is gradually filled in with bone. Thus, before one has engaged, the creature's resources for the Maprezarnobud are split evenly between the two variants, whereas in subsequent engagements, all resources are devoted to the chosen reproductive substance. In addition, later engagements will yield less Maprezarnobud due to the aging creature's need to replenish and repair other parts of its body. Thus, it is a very common occurrence that the second, not the first, of an Ibrófeneð's offspring will be stronger, larger, and/or healthier than all others.
Ïlýrhonidian, and by extension, Ibrófeneðian culture has long established the second-born as the leader of the offspring, and the most worthy to inherit such distinctions as titles and kingships, not only due to his physical attributes, but due also to the belief that one inherits the very soul of the fathers, even if they are still alive (this will be elaborated more in the following section).
Other such instances of the number two are also evident in the following:
- The Оö-Fýtap, a crucial yet extremely small component of both the creature's skeletal and nervous systems, consists of a thin ring on which are two small bits of skeletal and nervous material, which, when moved to align with the bones/nerves of a certain leg, allows for the transmission of signals and commands from the brain to the leg in question. This selective limitation of signals to at most two legs is a major determiner of the Ibrófeneð's movement.
- The Ibrófeneð's body is split into two halves, those being the Žëša (Head) and the Extremities, consisting of the Vëtiš (Legs) and the Matošu (Mouth). This often becomes a symbolic division as well, between the creature's mental center and its physical centers.
A secondary influence that strengthened the importance of the number 2 was the history of the Ïlýhonid Tribe, who was said to have been created and sustained largely through the efforts of two individuals, those being Hyvam and Vëtam. This evolved, via the near-consistent preservation of their relics, as a grand representation of the tribe as being separated into the Leaders (represented by Hyvam's skull) and the People (represented by Vëtam's legs and other extremities). Thus, the dual roles created here imply that a central part of the Ïlýrhonid philosophy was the simplification of a situation into two halves, which were given symbolic value through the Leaders/People system.
Symbolic Representation
A large part of the Ïlýrhonid Tribe's culture is the closeness between an Ibrófeneð and larger-scale groups of Ibrófeneðs, like cities, organizations, and families, in terms of how they're treated. A sentiment originating in the dualities as outlined in the above section, it primarily results in a much greater sense of unity within large-scale groups, to the point where one disregards his own self for the good of the group.
Unknown - 22711 AYM
Úšýŋeban: 25187 - 25080 AYM
Anirhož: 25080 - 25021 AYM
Zümiža: 25021 - 24955 AYM
Ïkhetëró: 24955 - 24817 AYM
Lölým: 24817 - 24575 AYM
Ðýŋalšý: 24575 - 24488 AYM
Möveŋ: 24488 - 24219 AYM
Ýmurbal: 24219 - 24071 AYM
Yýdgraf: 23071 - 23863 AYM
Výnfoš: 23863 - 23771 AYM
Tývarad: 23771 - 23610 AYM
Pïmaktïm: 23610 - 23588 AYM
Khüðóc: 23588 - 23231 AYM
Kholak: 23231 - 23095 AYM
Úšüžala: 23095 - 22919 AYM
Lïlekhët: 22919 - 22799 AYM
Šýnýta: 22799 - 22711 AYM
Historical Periods:
Ënúb-Hýšaï (Pre-Hýšian): Unknown - 25187 AYM
Arfarotï (Arfarotian Period): 25187 - 25032 AYM
Heta-Ýmor-Vëtam (First Dark Age), or Zumižaï (Zumižian Period): 25032 - 24980 AYM
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