Wanyun of Syeoban
The Wanyun of Syeoban is a powerful, though decentralized, state located in the central portion of Ærellion. Syeoban is ruled by a military elite primarily of Ursumar descent, while administration is mostly in the hands of the Jungyu majority. As expected for a highly diverse land, Syeoban continues a long tradition of Wanyun being distinct ethnically from their predecessors. Elves, Dwarves, Eldritch, and various human ethnicities have all claimed the title of Wanyun in its long history. Additionally, goblins, hobgoblins, and more recently, halflings and gnomes, have all played large roles in various Wanyun, further emphasizing the rich traditions of the region. Therefore, regional lords and governments are rather autonomous compared to the average nation, most functioning semi-autonomously on the world stage. This incudes fighting one another for control over the countryside.
There are a few different types of administrative units in Syeoban, some of which differ from their predecessors. The powerful Hyujung Lords, for example, are rulers of a caste of military service members in penance for misdeeds such as disobeying orders or comitting crimes. Such soldiers are redeemed through their service and bring honor to their families by their continued battle. Often dispatched to frontier lands, the Hyujung rule border territories in name of the Wanyun, receiving benefits from the capital and not drafting from the population except in times of great need. Those clans most closely tied to the emperor are known as the Dyogong Cheonyeo, and serve as the protectors of the realm. In exchange for greater autonomy due to the trust bestowed upon them, they are expected to settle disputes among other subjects, to mediate, and to enforce the rule of law. These Dyogong Cheonyeo typically consist of the emperor's mother's, wife's, and close comrades, with elven realms often given special consideration due to their long lives. For Syeoban, the [tbd], rulers of the main region of Ursumar settlement outside the capital, have also been Dyogong Cheonyeo for many years. The rest of the clans not bestowed with the honor are known as the Najunaka Cheonyeo, and have less autonomy and are not allowed to legally enfore their will upon one another. This means that conflict, when not stopped by Dyogong Cheonyeo, often rages between them over honor, status, power, and intrigue. One must be careful however, as a rival being elevated to Dyogong Cheonyeo can spell the end of Najunaka who become too ambitious.
Beyond the Hyujung military apparatus, there are two other parallel military systems. The first, naturally, are those of the various Cheonyeo, which are primarily composed of military men in the service of their lord, supplemented by wandering warriors without a lord in times of war. Known as Gishan after the warriors within, they are elite troops who for a constant standing army. These elite forces usually fight in inter-Cheonyeo warfare, as the use of peasants in these sorts of wars is considered dishonorable. The Dyogong Cheonyeo will most certainly step in should peasant levies be applied. In contrast to the elite Gishan armies, the state itself also maintains a national army, the Guyan, which is primarily focused on defending the borders of the nation. This service is often undertaken by those from the Emperor's own clan, from the clanless, and those whose clans have lost their lands and can no longer support Gishan armies. The Guyan, in the usual dynastic trend, was once much more powerful than it is now. As the Ursumar have slowly assimilated into Jungyu culture, their warrior caste has become less and less prevalent.
As one might suspect, this leaves the state and it's administrative units greatly reliant on Gishan warriors to muster an army of any quality. While this structure has served the state well against centaur invasion and in expanding north, where levies often become worthless, it does mean their armies are rather disorganized compared to other nations. Additionally, it means that disgruntled Gishan can cause immense amounts of havoc by themselves due to a lack of controlling forces. Although the modern Guyan army was originally designed to incorporate such Gishan, with lessened funding the number of unemployed Gishan has been rising as of late, increasing internal conflict; as they can be utilized by ambitious Cheonyeo to raise their strength. With the court of Syeoban always dealing with factional competition, this has increased inter-group friction. Naturally, two of these groups are the Cheonyeo and the Gishan. The Cheonyeo essentially function as a nobility while the Gishan are of station equivalent to western knights. This creates friction due to the presence of Gishan not in service to a Cheonyeo, which doesn't really happen in pure feudal societies. This is because while Gishan enter the service of a lord, their family may be landowners themselves, they may have no land at all, or they might be seeking to reclaim their land through service. Unlike the west, they don't "lease" land from a lord in return for service, rather they are given it and serve in return.
On the administrative side of things, Syeoban must also deal with competing factions. Naturally, the Cheonyeo clans also function as administrators themselves. However, they are joined by two groups (some argue 3). The first of these are the Sedano, a priestly class. Although Syeoban consists of many religions, there is little religious friction due to the nature of these religions and the influcene of the state. The Sedano are charged with administering, coordinating with, and solving disputes between the various parallel religious structures. Chosen from the best clergy, they take on administration in a region, managing it's religious peace and encouraging dialogue. Though unusual, it's not unheard of the the Sedano of a region to follow a religion not present there. Alongside the Sedano and Cheonyeo are the Huleon-Gwaliju. Some break them up into the Huleon (primarily scholars) and the Gwaliju (primarily administrators), based on what exactly they do. Educated at elite acadamies, these men (women are not allowed in) renounce their fealty to a clan in exchange for being instructed by the brightest in the land. They are expected to learn philosophy, law, religon, and other subjects deemed "critical" before branching off into independent study. Upon the conclusion of such a study, they are now a Huleon-Gwaliju: able to learn, teach, and govern. The split comes in where they choose to use their talents, with Huleon dedicating their skills to broaden their own knowledge, to teach, or another private pursuit. On the other hand, the Gwaliju dedicate themselves to serving as administrators, diplomats, judges, and more. Although such a distinction seems clear, it truly is not. After all, is not creating beautiful works of prose and teaching the next generation serving the state, in a way? And is not practicing law learning always? So argue those opposed to a split in terminology. Indeed, Dabyeonci Le-Onaleudo, the famed "renaissance man" and pride of the Dabyeonci clan, provides evidence against. Serving both the state and himself, he invented a number of war machines, whihc, despite being theoretical, were eventually enhanced by magic to fight in battle. He also created some of the most breathtaking works of art in the history of the Jungyu people.
There are a few different types of administrative units in Syeoban, some of which differ from their predecessors. The powerful Hyujung Lords, for example, are rulers of a caste of military service members in penance for misdeeds such as disobeying orders or comitting crimes. Such soldiers are redeemed through their service and bring honor to their families by their continued battle. Often dispatched to frontier lands, the Hyujung rule border territories in name of the Wanyun, receiving benefits from the capital and not drafting from the population except in times of great need. Those clans most closely tied to the emperor are known as the Dyogong Cheonyeo, and serve as the protectors of the realm. In exchange for greater autonomy due to the trust bestowed upon them, they are expected to settle disputes among other subjects, to mediate, and to enforce the rule of law. These Dyogong Cheonyeo typically consist of the emperor's mother's, wife's, and close comrades, with elven realms often given special consideration due to their long lives. For Syeoban, the [tbd], rulers of the main region of Ursumar settlement outside the capital, have also been Dyogong Cheonyeo for many years. The rest of the clans not bestowed with the honor are known as the Najunaka Cheonyeo, and have less autonomy and are not allowed to legally enfore their will upon one another. This means that conflict, when not stopped by Dyogong Cheonyeo, often rages between them over honor, status, power, and intrigue. One must be careful however, as a rival being elevated to Dyogong Cheonyeo can spell the end of Najunaka who become too ambitious.
Beyond the Hyujung military apparatus, there are two other parallel military systems. The first, naturally, are those of the various Cheonyeo, which are primarily composed of military men in the service of their lord, supplemented by wandering warriors without a lord in times of war. Known as Gishan after the warriors within, they are elite troops who for a constant standing army. These elite forces usually fight in inter-Cheonyeo warfare, as the use of peasants in these sorts of wars is considered dishonorable. The Dyogong Cheonyeo will most certainly step in should peasant levies be applied. In contrast to the elite Gishan armies, the state itself also maintains a national army, the Guyan, which is primarily focused on defending the borders of the nation. This service is often undertaken by those from the Emperor's own clan, from the clanless, and those whose clans have lost their lands and can no longer support Gishan armies. The Guyan, in the usual dynastic trend, was once much more powerful than it is now. As the Ursumar have slowly assimilated into Jungyu culture, their warrior caste has become less and less prevalent.
As one might suspect, this leaves the state and it's administrative units greatly reliant on Gishan warriors to muster an army of any quality. While this structure has served the state well against centaur invasion and in expanding north, where levies often become worthless, it does mean their armies are rather disorganized compared to other nations. Additionally, it means that disgruntled Gishan can cause immense amounts of havoc by themselves due to a lack of controlling forces. Although the modern Guyan army was originally designed to incorporate such Gishan, with lessened funding the number of unemployed Gishan has been rising as of late, increasing internal conflict; as they can be utilized by ambitious Cheonyeo to raise their strength. With the court of Syeoban always dealing with factional competition, this has increased inter-group friction. Naturally, two of these groups are the Cheonyeo and the Gishan. The Cheonyeo essentially function as a nobility while the Gishan are of station equivalent to western knights. This creates friction due to the presence of Gishan not in service to a Cheonyeo, which doesn't really happen in pure feudal societies. This is because while Gishan enter the service of a lord, their family may be landowners themselves, they may have no land at all, or they might be seeking to reclaim their land through service. Unlike the west, they don't "lease" land from a lord in return for service, rather they are given it and serve in return.
On the administrative side of things, Syeoban must also deal with competing factions. Naturally, the Cheonyeo clans also function as administrators themselves. However, they are joined by two groups (some argue 3). The first of these are the Sedano, a priestly class. Although Syeoban consists of many religions, there is little religious friction due to the nature of these religions and the influcene of the state. The Sedano are charged with administering, coordinating with, and solving disputes between the various parallel religious structures. Chosen from the best clergy, they take on administration in a region, managing it's religious peace and encouraging dialogue. Though unusual, it's not unheard of the the Sedano of a region to follow a religion not present there. Alongside the Sedano and Cheonyeo are the Huleon-Gwaliju. Some break them up into the Huleon (primarily scholars) and the Gwaliju (primarily administrators), based on what exactly they do. Educated at elite acadamies, these men (women are not allowed in) renounce their fealty to a clan in exchange for being instructed by the brightest in the land. They are expected to learn philosophy, law, religon, and other subjects deemed "critical" before branching off into independent study. Upon the conclusion of such a study, they are now a Huleon-Gwaliju: able to learn, teach, and govern. The split comes in where they choose to use their talents, with Huleon dedicating their skills to broaden their own knowledge, to teach, or another private pursuit. On the other hand, the Gwaliju dedicate themselves to serving as administrators, diplomats, judges, and more. Although such a distinction seems clear, it truly is not. After all, is not creating beautiful works of prose and teaching the next generation serving the state, in a way? And is not practicing law learning always? So argue those opposed to a split in terminology. Indeed, Dabyeonci Le-Onaleudo, the famed "renaissance man" and pride of the Dabyeonci clan, provides evidence against. Serving both the state and himself, he invented a number of war machines, whihc, despite being theoretical, were eventually enhanced by magic to fight in battle. He also created some of the most breathtaking works of art in the history of the Jungyu people.
History
The Wanyun of Syeoban was founded in 1627 by Ursumar migrants from the Divinity of Ashēryku, who were fleeing persecution. Despite crossing a desert and being constantly under threat by Centaurs, they managed to arrive on the Frontiers of the Wanyun of Gyeowai. Numaneš, leader of the migrants, attempted to reason with the local military and gain entrance, but they refused. Despite Numaneš appealing, the Emperor refused to allow the migrants to settle.
Gathering his men and reaching out to local Cheonyeo who were dissatisfied with the emperor, Numanesh's people began forming a powerful coalition. Due to the dynasty being rather conservative, their armies were dated and Numaneš's Ashērykan tactics allowe him to position his armies in a superior manner. Notable improvements in cavalry tactics and weaponry from the west allowed the Ursumar to be a feared vanaguard. Thus, Numaneš marched on the capital with support from the rebellious Cheonyeo and deposed the emperor, defeating his forces easily. The emperor, refusing to surrender, ritually killed himself and his sons vowed revenge. Thus, despite Numaneš being crowned, the early years of his reign were marred by a long conflict with the remnants of the Emperor's clan and their supporters, primarily humans from the south. The southern region remained in the hands of rebels and eventually the Wanyun of Gyeowai was agreed to be partitioned between the two factions, with Numaneš taking the lion's share of the land and the rebels being granted the borders of Gyeowai prior to its ascention to Wanyun, as well as any Cheonyeo within these lands.
Upon taking the throne, Numaneš was required to take on an official title for the new dynasty of the Wanyun. Traditionally, dynasties would often take their name from the lands they ruled before ascention or from their clan name (which often came to be similar or the same over time, especially in translations). Alternatively, they might take on an adjective name which described an idealized version of their rule. Since Numaneš was not versed enough in any of the regional languages to name the dynasty, it began to be referred to as the Syeoban, or western, Dynasty. By the time Numaneš was versed enough to choose a new name, it had already become customary and he saw little reason to change it.
With the dynasty fromally established and victory over the rebels secured by 1637, Numaneš was able to begin reforming the Empire itself. Because he had relied upon the Cheonyeo to raise him to the throne, he was unable to totally check their power, but he did reform the Guyan and establish the Hyujung army. The Hyujung army is particularly notable because its creation was instrumental in ending the practice of ritual suicide for commoners, though nobility continued to practice it. Instead of killing themselves, they could now be put to work by the state, redeeming themselves without depriving the empire of productive citizens.
Numaneš's reign is also notable for reforms made to migration and settlement. Because he wasn't from the region, he was able to sidestep the usual issues related to favoritism (or even supposed favoritism) that prevented proper reforms from being made. Thus, many institutions that had previously been managed by separate races were combined and unified to form proper national, or, where appropriate, local, organizations. This streamlined the government significantly and reduced corruption, which had been rampant for centuries. His successors would expand on these laws, making Syeoban one of the first Wanyuns to properly integrate most of the races within their lands instead of clearly delineating settlement zones and preventing natural mixing.
Numaneš died in 1661, leaving the throne to his nephew, Akha-Kitun Eāšid, as he had no heir. Having been groomed from a young age to take the throne, Akha-Kitun was a very competant emperor, and had married a Jungyu princess as well as producing severel children. In short, he was an ideal candidate, which was also clear to the various Cheonyeo, who therefore refraied from plotting for his entire reign, which was extremely peaceful. Akha-Kitun, besides being a just and fair ruler overall, was also an accomplished legal scholar. Having long worked with ancient elders from Ashēryku, once Emperor (and even before) he worked to strength the law code of Syeoban by integrating the Wanyun's customary laws with Ashērykan legal traditions. Naturally, with so many different religions, races, and cultures within the empire, this was a herculean task, and one that even Akha-Kitun was unable to complete during his reign. Having ruled for 18 years, from 1661-1679, he left the empire in a good place, generally. However, after the death of Akha-Kitun, things became more difficult.
Akha-Kitun's son, Uturš (also known as Oyeosh) Eāšid, was half-Jungyu. This was, of course, both a blessing and a curse. His mothers clan were staunch allies to him throughout his reign, but being Jungyu made him fall into the same issues of favoritism mentioned earlier. This combined with several other factors to make his reign a struggle between him and the Cheonyeo. Having now been ruling for 50 years, the Ursumar were no longer seen as demigod-like beings with ingeneous tactics and foreign wisdom. Though Numaneš and Akha-Kitun had worked very hard to keep public perception that way, slowly the Cheonyeo came to realize that the Ursumar had just as much to learn from them as they had from the Ursumar. Plus, after having refrained from inter-Cheonyeo conflict since the end of the rebellions in 1637, many had amassed great wealth, which they put to use trying to influence and gain power. Uturš Eāšid, though a great patron of arts and culture himself, was easily swayed by great wealth and began turning a blind eye to growing decentralization. Though culture flourished, inequality also began to rise with corruption once more. Many soldiers of the Gishan class had also been forced highly restrictive contracts to find service, rising above the 2-3 generation norm, for some even to 6. This was, of course, because of a lack of war. Uturš Eāšid ruled from 1679-1722, and was succeeded by his son Eāšid Yin. Eāšid Yin was 3/4 Jungyu, and much influenced by the culture. A humble and respectful man, he made the decision to write the dynastic name before his own as a show of respect for his forbearers, as is the Jungyu custom. He surrounded himself with Jungyu advisors and artists, which he seemed to display slightly too much affection for. Nonetheless, rumors of homosexuality did not stop him from having 3 sons, San, Dae, and Chao.
San, Dae, and Chao's childhood represents the high water mark of the Jungyu culture in rulers. They were almost entirely Jungyu, and pretty much ignored the Ursumar, which naturally angered them. Eāšid Yin, being a Jungophile, refused to betrothe his sons to any Ursumar and looked to marry them further into Jungyu royal families. He even contemplated changing the dynastic name and Jungifying the family name to Yaeshid. Naturally, this infuriated the Ursumar, who felt their culture and contributions to the nations were being overlooked entirely due to the whims of a few monarchs in a row being educated in a primarily Jungyu court (since the Ursumar mostly lived in the midwestern portions of the Wanyun as it was closest to their original homeland's climate). Thus, many Ursumar began to support a different candidate for ruler- Eāšid Yan. Yan was the son of Uturš Eāšid, and 3/4 Jungyu, but had married the daughter of the Cheonyeo of Akītšu, which was the main Ursumar Cheonyeo. The elderly ruler of the Cheonyeo, despite being fully Ursumar, was not supportive of any plans to revolt, preferring to trust the monarchy. Despite his opposition, claims that the elder branch of the Eāšids had lost their way and culture became more and more prominent until the ascention of Eāšid San in 1761.
Up to this point the inner machinations of the Syeobani court have mostly been ignored, but it should be noted that despite San being the oldest son, he was not the most politically or militarily capable. Most historians consider him to be a thoroughly mediocre ruler who in ordinary times would have been totally fine and up to the task. However, as mentioned above, the various Cheonyeo had been building up their armies and filling their coffers for more than a century, waiting for a moment to use their wealth to influence the state. Thus, by 1765, three factions had emerged in the royal court. The first backed San, the reining monarch and the most legitimate. This faction was mainly supported by the older Cheonyeo, loyal Ursumar, the Sedano, and the Huleon-Gwaliju. Though it had great moral and spiritual authority, they lacked hard power. This was mostly held by Dae's supporters. Initially a clique of military supporters and wandering Gishan who favored an aggressive foreign policy and conquest to the north, Dae had strengthened his clique through marriage to the daughter of a the powerful Yosijiyun clan, which hoped to gain territory for itself through this war. The Yosijiyun gave political legitimacy to what had, to that point, been a bunch of soldiers alone, and brought other expansionist clans into the alliance. Advocating for war and coalescing into a formal force by 1763, when Dae returned to the capital after spending about 10 years away with his wife, they were nonetheless barred from conquest by the Emperor, who feared his brother gaining total dominance over the military and deposing him. The final brother, Chao, was the youngest and least supported. However, he was beloved by the common people for his genrosity and was an effective diplomat as well. He was often seen as the friendliest of the three brothers towards minorities, and many of them supported him, especially the eastern ones. Despite his lack of political support in the capital, Chao was often able to strike a "middle course" between various factions while also getting what he wanted done.
However, as Chao began to form a faction of his own, many important people gravitated towards him, which meant that instead of two main factions competing, there were three. Leaving most of the capital in political deadlock, while the Emperor was able to legislate on his own, doing so would anger everybody. Thus, he called his borthers to him and tried to enforce his will, which angered them. Since they were both already married into the families of Cheonyeos, he couldn't send them off to foreign lands to find a wife. With his brothers still defiant, he banished them from the court and declared that he was launching a campaign to rid the lands of political corruption in 1767. Naturally, Dae, the hothead, was furious. He gave his brother an ultimatum- let him back in the capital, let him conquer the north, or he would rebel. San told him to go cool off or he would exile him and refused further discussion. Thus, Dae rebelled. With the support of about 25% of the Cheonyeos, he had a nominally weaker military. However, the supportive Cheonyeos had an outsized miliatry impact of ~33%, and with many other Cheonyeo only sending halfhearted levies to support the emperor, it looked like Dae had the larger military. Still, San marched to meet him. Confident that the "loyalty and honor of his troops would overcome the cowardly traitors", he overlooked the idea that perhaps bringing the military, which was largely composed of those Dae knew well, would be a bad move. Commanding the battle from a highrise, he was kidnapped by Dae loyalists in the militarily and told to surrender or he would have to commit suicide to avoid the shame of capture. Word of the capture spreading, the armies separated from fighting to allow the emperor time to decide- which is when Chao arrived.
Chao, still hoping for a diplomatic solution, attempted to meet with Dae to find a way to keep San alive and on the throne while Dae might get an honorary position allowing him to do as he pleased with the military and essentially be the real power in the land- without the stress of rule. The two brothers agreed to split the land between a military governor (Dae) and an administrative leader (Chao) with San as a mere figurehead. Upon hearing the plan, San, instead of agreeing, killed himself with his sword. Thus, in 1768, Dae ascended to the throne with Chao as his "administrative regent" since he planned to be at the frontline most of the time. However, by 1775, this had already broken down. Though the northern campaigns were largely successful and many northern clans had gained a large amount of land, Dae proved to be cruel and paranoid. Fearing that he would be betrayed like he had done to his brother, he refused petitions and ignored lords. His wife became estranged and he began to lose the support of her clan. He acted harshly on supposed assassins, even when they did things as innocent as spilling soup. He rerouted food from the south to feed the soldiers, taking harsh measures on peasants and harsher drafts. As he became more and more autocratic, he became more fearful and therefore felt harsher actions needed to be taken to root out traitors. Finally, he turned on Chao and marched on the capital. Besiged by their own emperor, the confused garrison surrendered. Dae had them executed for supporting his "traitor" brother and proceeded to arrest him. Then, in an action which proved to be his undoing- he castrated and blinded his brother and threw him in jail to rot. Such practices were considered barbaric Hymari practices and ignited a wave of anti-Dae (and, unfortunately, anti-Hymari) revolts. The nation fell into anarchy as various lords vied for control and Dae raged in his castle.
None were as prepared as the supporters of Eāšid Yan. Yan had initially been fairly ambivalent of the claims his nephews had lost their way, but after the disaster of San's reign he had fled to Akītšu and begun making plan in earnest. With his father in law dying in 1773, he gained the resources of the whole Cheonyeo and began assembling an army. Once Dae went schitzo mode he marched on the capital, fighting the battle and winning. Dae, however, slaid him in signle combat and fled with the remnants of his army into the northern swamps, which were still not totally under control. Yan's eldest son, Hutteseš, took the throne and established the new line which rules to this day. As for Chao, he was released from prison and became a monk. Many who visited him knew who he was originally, but he gained a reputation as a kingly and wise old man in the service of his father-in-law's Cheonyeo. His wife and son (who was just 4 years old at the time) were not considered a threat. While the other two brothers did have children who were adults or at least teenagers, they all swore fealty to the new emperor. All of Dae's sons hated him anyways and most of San's were in exile and just wanted to come home. While Hutteseš had already married and had children he made sure to establish marriage ties with his nieces and nephews during his reign, reconnecting the two branches of the dynasty. His eldest son, Eāšid Numaneš II, would take the throne when he died in 1803 and his younger son would take control of Akītšu. Both were married to second cousins and would go on to rule for some time.
Throughout much of the reigns of both Hutteseš and Numaneš II, Dae's remnants persisted in the north. They completed the conquest of the Guwaaric tribes in the marshes and traded extensively with the northern lords. However, in 1832, Dae's young grandson (Dae took concubines after fleeting north) died in a fever outbreak, leaving just a daughter- Daeyi Suiyo. Suiyo was just 3 years old, and her mother looked for potential betrothals. Though almost all the people who had followed Dae into the marshes were men, there were a few women from the northen clans who married into the Daeyi state for trade reasons. With just a 3 year old daughter on the throne, the Guwaaru had been preparing to rebel. They hated serving the Jungyu, who it must be said had treated them poorly. Forced marriage, slavery, and mistreatment were common, especially the former due to the lack of Jungyu women. Many half-Guwaaru also sympathized with their mother's side. Thus, a strong leader needed to keep them in check. Reaching out through her father's clan, Suiyo's mother secured a betrothal with the eldest grandson of Numaneš, who was also quite young at the time. This brought the Daeyi into the fold and secured the northern marshes totally. Since Suiyo's eventual son would in theory be both emperor and lord of the Daeyi, the northern lands could be controlled by the crown and would make a good place to settled rowdy Guyan.
However, although in the end things turned out similarly to the plan, there was much tragedy ahead. Numaneš II would die in 1836, leaving the throne to his son Eāšid Hutteseš II. Hutteseš II had only ruled for 12 years, however, when the Teltars invaded. The Tögsgölgüi Ord had always been a threat, but they had been contained to the west, so they were a distant threat. This would not last. As the Ord began conquering the remaining Guwaaric tribes to their east, they slowly inched closer to Syeoban's borders until they were near enough to launch raids, which quickly turned into full-scale invasion. Though the Syeobani armies marched out, their vassal-heavy armies were too slow and inflexible to deal with the horse archer cavalry and berserkers of the Ord. They were quickly pushed back and would have been totally defeated if not for a hail-mary effort. Hutteseš II sent his eldest son, Akha-Kitun, the only one old enough to come to the front (he was just 16) and a party of cavalry to plea for help from their Ursumar brethren in the west. Though this move eventually won them the war, it also caused great panic. The Ord ambushed the party, and though some of them made it the young prince was captured and taken to Harmaash, their capital. Since the men thought he died, when they returned bearing the news in 1850, the emperor was devastated. His eldest son had died. As for Suiyo, she was now 21, with nobody to marry. Her lands were in the hands of here former future relatives, who would surely leave them once the news of her betrothed's death. Thus, the only way to save them was to find another marriage, and fast. Of course, war is hard, and many young lords had taken control of their clans with the death of their fathers in battle, but they all had wives already. The only lord who was looking for a wife was the 193 year old Ǎiro-Lu Karun, an elderly dwarf who had outlived his wife and sons, and whose only grandson had died at the front. He needed an heir desperately (humans are more fertile than dwarves, remember) and she needed strong administrators. Naturally, she hated the idea of marrying a 200 year old but nonetheless the marriage was set for spring 1851 (winter was deemed unsafe for the recovering dwarf). But the dwarven lord fell terribly ill and was unable to travel for months, though he did survive. So the wedding was pushed back to spring 1852. However, on the day of the wedding, who should barge through the door but Akha-Kitun! He had first gone to the palace, and at first nobody believed it was him, but when his mother saw a specific birthmark she knew it was truly him. Learning of his betrothed's imminent mistake, he grabbed a horse and rode as hard as he dared. Since her previous betrothal had never been broken (since he wasn't really dead) it was celar the marriage to Karun was invalid. Karun, ever the good vassal, surrendered his betrothal instantly, though he would soon demand and recieve great payment to his clan and several Guwaaric concubines in exchange (anyone who's ok with a 170 year age gap probably doesn't care about consent ngl).
Thus, Akha-Kitun and Suiyo were finally wed in 1852, almost 5 years after their wedding would have been had things gone to plan. But the future of the Daeyi was finally settled and the land was recovering. Numaneš II yet lived, so the couple wouldn't have to deal with the stress of ruling on top of their previous problems, and could go to the Daeyi lands to sort them out once and for all- at least for a little bit. Their first child, a daughter named Saeni (mostly known as Sae), was born in 1855, in the same year the war finally ended for good.
Sae was a troublesome child and should get her own page one day, but was not particularly important to the ruling of the realm. On the other hand, her brother Išišu was instrumental to the continued functioning of the realm. Išišu was a powerful diviner almost from birth, and was able to make a number of magical shields and wards to protect people from various accidents and harmful events, such as earthquakes and mudslides. Išišu was trained by the mixed blood clan of Suiquae, and ended up marrying Taiyun, an eldritch. While his parents suspected that sending him to be educated mostly with elves and eldritch would probably lead to a connection with one of those clans in some way, they figured there was little lisk in this. After all, this was the first time any significant non-human blood would make its way into the royal family. A little bit of elven blood is often prided among nobility, for it tends to bolster magical aptitude and raise lifespans ever so-slightly. The issue with Taiyun is that while her influence was fine in the days of her and her husband, she remains alive to this day, and is quite conservative with a strong hand on the government. Taiyun is currently 187 years old, and has had massive influence throughout the reigns of Išišu, their son Akha-Kitun III, and her grandson Išišu II, and potentially her great grandson Išišu III. The dates for their reigns are as follows; Išišu (1883-1911), Akha-Kitun (1911-1976), Išišu II (1976-present). At this point it is probably only Taiyun herself who keeps the various lords in control. The wizened eldritch, nearing the end of her lifespan has worked to keep things together for years- but also holding things back. The only notable things to have changed during her (essentially) reign are the intruduction of Dabyeonci Le-Onaleudo's war machines and the testing of handheld firework rockets which is beginning to bear fruit. Administrative practices remain quite dated, bureacratic, and non-streamlined. The various clans, seeing the so-called "Divine Emperors" ruled by an eldritch woman for over a hundred years have been sharpening their swords and preparing their Gishan, waiting for the day she dies- the day the Empire will assuredly break out into total war. [TODO NOTE FOR JACKSON: redo internal borders since the consolidation hasn't yet happened now as per this lore and update the Dabyeonci and Suiquae clans to be Dyogong]
Gathering his men and reaching out to local Cheonyeo who were dissatisfied with the emperor, Numanesh's people began forming a powerful coalition. Due to the dynasty being rather conservative, their armies were dated and Numaneš's Ashērykan tactics allowe him to position his armies in a superior manner. Notable improvements in cavalry tactics and weaponry from the west allowed the Ursumar to be a feared vanaguard. Thus, Numaneš marched on the capital with support from the rebellious Cheonyeo and deposed the emperor, defeating his forces easily. The emperor, refusing to surrender, ritually killed himself and his sons vowed revenge. Thus, despite Numaneš being crowned, the early years of his reign were marred by a long conflict with the remnants of the Emperor's clan and their supporters, primarily humans from the south. The southern region remained in the hands of rebels and eventually the Wanyun of Gyeowai was agreed to be partitioned between the two factions, with Numaneš taking the lion's share of the land and the rebels being granted the borders of Gyeowai prior to its ascention to Wanyun, as well as any Cheonyeo within these lands.
Upon taking the throne, Numaneš was required to take on an official title for the new dynasty of the Wanyun. Traditionally, dynasties would often take their name from the lands they ruled before ascention or from their clan name (which often came to be similar or the same over time, especially in translations). Alternatively, they might take on an adjective name which described an idealized version of their rule. Since Numaneš was not versed enough in any of the regional languages to name the dynasty, it began to be referred to as the Syeoban, or western, Dynasty. By the time Numaneš was versed enough to choose a new name, it had already become customary and he saw little reason to change it.
With the dynasty fromally established and victory over the rebels secured by 1637, Numaneš was able to begin reforming the Empire itself. Because he had relied upon the Cheonyeo to raise him to the throne, he was unable to totally check their power, but he did reform the Guyan and establish the Hyujung army. The Hyujung army is particularly notable because its creation was instrumental in ending the practice of ritual suicide for commoners, though nobility continued to practice it. Instead of killing themselves, they could now be put to work by the state, redeeming themselves without depriving the empire of productive citizens.
Numaneš's reign is also notable for reforms made to migration and settlement. Because he wasn't from the region, he was able to sidestep the usual issues related to favoritism (or even supposed favoritism) that prevented proper reforms from being made. Thus, many institutions that had previously been managed by separate races were combined and unified to form proper national, or, where appropriate, local, organizations. This streamlined the government significantly and reduced corruption, which had been rampant for centuries. His successors would expand on these laws, making Syeoban one of the first Wanyuns to properly integrate most of the races within their lands instead of clearly delineating settlement zones and preventing natural mixing.
Numaneš died in 1661, leaving the throne to his nephew, Akha-Kitun Eāšid, as he had no heir. Having been groomed from a young age to take the throne, Akha-Kitun was a very competant emperor, and had married a Jungyu princess as well as producing severel children. In short, he was an ideal candidate, which was also clear to the various Cheonyeo, who therefore refraied from plotting for his entire reign, which was extremely peaceful. Akha-Kitun, besides being a just and fair ruler overall, was also an accomplished legal scholar. Having long worked with ancient elders from Ashēryku, once Emperor (and even before) he worked to strength the law code of Syeoban by integrating the Wanyun's customary laws with Ashērykan legal traditions. Naturally, with so many different religions, races, and cultures within the empire, this was a herculean task, and one that even Akha-Kitun was unable to complete during his reign. Having ruled for 18 years, from 1661-1679, he left the empire in a good place, generally. However, after the death of Akha-Kitun, things became more difficult.
Akha-Kitun's son, Uturš (also known as Oyeosh) Eāšid, was half-Jungyu. This was, of course, both a blessing and a curse. His mothers clan were staunch allies to him throughout his reign, but being Jungyu made him fall into the same issues of favoritism mentioned earlier. This combined with several other factors to make his reign a struggle between him and the Cheonyeo. Having now been ruling for 50 years, the Ursumar were no longer seen as demigod-like beings with ingeneous tactics and foreign wisdom. Though Numaneš and Akha-Kitun had worked very hard to keep public perception that way, slowly the Cheonyeo came to realize that the Ursumar had just as much to learn from them as they had from the Ursumar. Plus, after having refrained from inter-Cheonyeo conflict since the end of the rebellions in 1637, many had amassed great wealth, which they put to use trying to influence and gain power. Uturš Eāšid, though a great patron of arts and culture himself, was easily swayed by great wealth and began turning a blind eye to growing decentralization. Though culture flourished, inequality also began to rise with corruption once more. Many soldiers of the Gishan class had also been forced highly restrictive contracts to find service, rising above the 2-3 generation norm, for some even to 6. This was, of course, because of a lack of war. Uturš Eāšid ruled from 1679-1722, and was succeeded by his son Eāšid Yin. Eāšid Yin was 3/4 Jungyu, and much influenced by the culture. A humble and respectful man, he made the decision to write the dynastic name before his own as a show of respect for his forbearers, as is the Jungyu custom. He surrounded himself with Jungyu advisors and artists, which he seemed to display slightly too much affection for. Nonetheless, rumors of homosexuality did not stop him from having 3 sons, San, Dae, and Chao.
San, Dae, and Chao's childhood represents the high water mark of the Jungyu culture in rulers. They were almost entirely Jungyu, and pretty much ignored the Ursumar, which naturally angered them. Eāšid Yin, being a Jungophile, refused to betrothe his sons to any Ursumar and looked to marry them further into Jungyu royal families. He even contemplated changing the dynastic name and Jungifying the family name to Yaeshid. Naturally, this infuriated the Ursumar, who felt their culture and contributions to the nations were being overlooked entirely due to the whims of a few monarchs in a row being educated in a primarily Jungyu court (since the Ursumar mostly lived in the midwestern portions of the Wanyun as it was closest to their original homeland's climate). Thus, many Ursumar began to support a different candidate for ruler- Eāšid Yan. Yan was the son of Uturš Eāšid, and 3/4 Jungyu, but had married the daughter of the Cheonyeo of Akītšu, which was the main Ursumar Cheonyeo. The elderly ruler of the Cheonyeo, despite being fully Ursumar, was not supportive of any plans to revolt, preferring to trust the monarchy. Despite his opposition, claims that the elder branch of the Eāšids had lost their way and culture became more and more prominent until the ascention of Eāšid San in 1761.
Up to this point the inner machinations of the Syeobani court have mostly been ignored, but it should be noted that despite San being the oldest son, he was not the most politically or militarily capable. Most historians consider him to be a thoroughly mediocre ruler who in ordinary times would have been totally fine and up to the task. However, as mentioned above, the various Cheonyeo had been building up their armies and filling their coffers for more than a century, waiting for a moment to use their wealth to influence the state. Thus, by 1765, three factions had emerged in the royal court. The first backed San, the reining monarch and the most legitimate. This faction was mainly supported by the older Cheonyeo, loyal Ursumar, the Sedano, and the Huleon-Gwaliju. Though it had great moral and spiritual authority, they lacked hard power. This was mostly held by Dae's supporters. Initially a clique of military supporters and wandering Gishan who favored an aggressive foreign policy and conquest to the north, Dae had strengthened his clique through marriage to the daughter of a the powerful Yosijiyun clan, which hoped to gain territory for itself through this war. The Yosijiyun gave political legitimacy to what had, to that point, been a bunch of soldiers alone, and brought other expansionist clans into the alliance. Advocating for war and coalescing into a formal force by 1763, when Dae returned to the capital after spending about 10 years away with his wife, they were nonetheless barred from conquest by the Emperor, who feared his brother gaining total dominance over the military and deposing him. The final brother, Chao, was the youngest and least supported. However, he was beloved by the common people for his genrosity and was an effective diplomat as well. He was often seen as the friendliest of the three brothers towards minorities, and many of them supported him, especially the eastern ones. Despite his lack of political support in the capital, Chao was often able to strike a "middle course" between various factions while also getting what he wanted done.
However, as Chao began to form a faction of his own, many important people gravitated towards him, which meant that instead of two main factions competing, there were three. Leaving most of the capital in political deadlock, while the Emperor was able to legislate on his own, doing so would anger everybody. Thus, he called his borthers to him and tried to enforce his will, which angered them. Since they were both already married into the families of Cheonyeos, he couldn't send them off to foreign lands to find a wife. With his brothers still defiant, he banished them from the court and declared that he was launching a campaign to rid the lands of political corruption in 1767. Naturally, Dae, the hothead, was furious. He gave his brother an ultimatum- let him back in the capital, let him conquer the north, or he would rebel. San told him to go cool off or he would exile him and refused further discussion. Thus, Dae rebelled. With the support of about 25% of the Cheonyeos, he had a nominally weaker military. However, the supportive Cheonyeos had an outsized miliatry impact of ~33%, and with many other Cheonyeo only sending halfhearted levies to support the emperor, it looked like Dae had the larger military. Still, San marched to meet him. Confident that the "loyalty and honor of his troops would overcome the cowardly traitors", he overlooked the idea that perhaps bringing the military, which was largely composed of those Dae knew well, would be a bad move. Commanding the battle from a highrise, he was kidnapped by Dae loyalists in the militarily and told to surrender or he would have to commit suicide to avoid the shame of capture. Word of the capture spreading, the armies separated from fighting to allow the emperor time to decide- which is when Chao arrived.
Chao, still hoping for a diplomatic solution, attempted to meet with Dae to find a way to keep San alive and on the throne while Dae might get an honorary position allowing him to do as he pleased with the military and essentially be the real power in the land- without the stress of rule. The two brothers agreed to split the land between a military governor (Dae) and an administrative leader (Chao) with San as a mere figurehead. Upon hearing the plan, San, instead of agreeing, killed himself with his sword. Thus, in 1768, Dae ascended to the throne with Chao as his "administrative regent" since he planned to be at the frontline most of the time. However, by 1775, this had already broken down. Though the northern campaigns were largely successful and many northern clans had gained a large amount of land, Dae proved to be cruel and paranoid. Fearing that he would be betrayed like he had done to his brother, he refused petitions and ignored lords. His wife became estranged and he began to lose the support of her clan. He acted harshly on supposed assassins, even when they did things as innocent as spilling soup. He rerouted food from the south to feed the soldiers, taking harsh measures on peasants and harsher drafts. As he became more and more autocratic, he became more fearful and therefore felt harsher actions needed to be taken to root out traitors. Finally, he turned on Chao and marched on the capital. Besiged by their own emperor, the confused garrison surrendered. Dae had them executed for supporting his "traitor" brother and proceeded to arrest him. Then, in an action which proved to be his undoing- he castrated and blinded his brother and threw him in jail to rot. Such practices were considered barbaric Hymari practices and ignited a wave of anti-Dae (and, unfortunately, anti-Hymari) revolts. The nation fell into anarchy as various lords vied for control and Dae raged in his castle.
None were as prepared as the supporters of Eāšid Yan. Yan had initially been fairly ambivalent of the claims his nephews had lost their way, but after the disaster of San's reign he had fled to Akītšu and begun making plan in earnest. With his father in law dying in 1773, he gained the resources of the whole Cheonyeo and began assembling an army. Once Dae went schitzo mode he marched on the capital, fighting the battle and winning. Dae, however, slaid him in signle combat and fled with the remnants of his army into the northern swamps, which were still not totally under control. Yan's eldest son, Hutteseš, took the throne and established the new line which rules to this day. As for Chao, he was released from prison and became a monk. Many who visited him knew who he was originally, but he gained a reputation as a kingly and wise old man in the service of his father-in-law's Cheonyeo. His wife and son (who was just 4 years old at the time) were not considered a threat. While the other two brothers did have children who were adults or at least teenagers, they all swore fealty to the new emperor. All of Dae's sons hated him anyways and most of San's were in exile and just wanted to come home. While Hutteseš had already married and had children he made sure to establish marriage ties with his nieces and nephews during his reign, reconnecting the two branches of the dynasty. His eldest son, Eāšid Numaneš II, would take the throne when he died in 1803 and his younger son would take control of Akītšu. Both were married to second cousins and would go on to rule for some time.
Throughout much of the reigns of both Hutteseš and Numaneš II, Dae's remnants persisted in the north. They completed the conquest of the Guwaaric tribes in the marshes and traded extensively with the northern lords. However, in 1832, Dae's young grandson (Dae took concubines after fleeting north) died in a fever outbreak, leaving just a daughter- Daeyi Suiyo. Suiyo was just 3 years old, and her mother looked for potential betrothals. Though almost all the people who had followed Dae into the marshes were men, there were a few women from the northen clans who married into the Daeyi state for trade reasons. With just a 3 year old daughter on the throne, the Guwaaru had been preparing to rebel. They hated serving the Jungyu, who it must be said had treated them poorly. Forced marriage, slavery, and mistreatment were common, especially the former due to the lack of Jungyu women. Many half-Guwaaru also sympathized with their mother's side. Thus, a strong leader needed to keep them in check. Reaching out through her father's clan, Suiyo's mother secured a betrothal with the eldest grandson of Numaneš, who was also quite young at the time. This brought the Daeyi into the fold and secured the northern marshes totally. Since Suiyo's eventual son would in theory be both emperor and lord of the Daeyi, the northern lands could be controlled by the crown and would make a good place to settled rowdy Guyan.
However, although in the end things turned out similarly to the plan, there was much tragedy ahead. Numaneš II would die in 1836, leaving the throne to his son Eāšid Hutteseš II. Hutteseš II had only ruled for 12 years, however, when the Teltars invaded. The Tögsgölgüi Ord had always been a threat, but they had been contained to the west, so they were a distant threat. This would not last. As the Ord began conquering the remaining Guwaaric tribes to their east, they slowly inched closer to Syeoban's borders until they were near enough to launch raids, which quickly turned into full-scale invasion. Though the Syeobani armies marched out, their vassal-heavy armies were too slow and inflexible to deal with the horse archer cavalry and berserkers of the Ord. They were quickly pushed back and would have been totally defeated if not for a hail-mary effort. Hutteseš II sent his eldest son, Akha-Kitun, the only one old enough to come to the front (he was just 16) and a party of cavalry to plea for help from their Ursumar brethren in the west. Though this move eventually won them the war, it also caused great panic. The Ord ambushed the party, and though some of them made it the young prince was captured and taken to Harmaash, their capital. Since the men thought he died, when they returned bearing the news in 1850, the emperor was devastated. His eldest son had died. As for Suiyo, she was now 21, with nobody to marry. Her lands were in the hands of here former future relatives, who would surely leave them once the news of her betrothed's death. Thus, the only way to save them was to find another marriage, and fast. Of course, war is hard, and many young lords had taken control of their clans with the death of their fathers in battle, but they all had wives already. The only lord who was looking for a wife was the 193 year old Ǎiro-Lu Karun, an elderly dwarf who had outlived his wife and sons, and whose only grandson had died at the front. He needed an heir desperately (humans are more fertile than dwarves, remember) and she needed strong administrators. Naturally, she hated the idea of marrying a 200 year old but nonetheless the marriage was set for spring 1851 (winter was deemed unsafe for the recovering dwarf). But the dwarven lord fell terribly ill and was unable to travel for months, though he did survive. So the wedding was pushed back to spring 1852. However, on the day of the wedding, who should barge through the door but Akha-Kitun! He had first gone to the palace, and at first nobody believed it was him, but when his mother saw a specific birthmark she knew it was truly him. Learning of his betrothed's imminent mistake, he grabbed a horse and rode as hard as he dared. Since her previous betrothal had never been broken (since he wasn't really dead) it was celar the marriage to Karun was invalid. Karun, ever the good vassal, surrendered his betrothal instantly, though he would soon demand and recieve great payment to his clan and several Guwaaric concubines in exchange (anyone who's ok with a 170 year age gap probably doesn't care about consent ngl).
Thus, Akha-Kitun and Suiyo were finally wed in 1852, almost 5 years after their wedding would have been had things gone to plan. But the future of the Daeyi was finally settled and the land was recovering. Numaneš II yet lived, so the couple wouldn't have to deal with the stress of ruling on top of their previous problems, and could go to the Daeyi lands to sort them out once and for all- at least for a little bit. Their first child, a daughter named Saeni (mostly known as Sae), was born in 1855, in the same year the war finally ended for good.
Sae was a troublesome child and should get her own page one day, but was not particularly important to the ruling of the realm. On the other hand, her brother Išišu was instrumental to the continued functioning of the realm. Išišu was a powerful diviner almost from birth, and was able to make a number of magical shields and wards to protect people from various accidents and harmful events, such as earthquakes and mudslides. Išišu was trained by the mixed blood clan of Suiquae, and ended up marrying Taiyun, an eldritch. While his parents suspected that sending him to be educated mostly with elves and eldritch would probably lead to a connection with one of those clans in some way, they figured there was little lisk in this. After all, this was the first time any significant non-human blood would make its way into the royal family. A little bit of elven blood is often prided among nobility, for it tends to bolster magical aptitude and raise lifespans ever so-slightly. The issue with Taiyun is that while her influence was fine in the days of her and her husband, she remains alive to this day, and is quite conservative with a strong hand on the government. Taiyun is currently 187 years old, and has had massive influence throughout the reigns of Išišu, their son Akha-Kitun III, and her grandson Išišu II, and potentially her great grandson Išišu III. The dates for their reigns are as follows; Išišu (1883-1911), Akha-Kitun (1911-1976), Išišu II (1976-present). At this point it is probably only Taiyun herself who keeps the various lords in control. The wizened eldritch, nearing the end of her lifespan has worked to keep things together for years- but also holding things back. The only notable things to have changed during her (essentially) reign are the intruduction of Dabyeonci Le-Onaleudo's war machines and the testing of handheld firework rockets which is beginning to bear fruit. Administrative practices remain quite dated, bureacratic, and non-streamlined. The various clans, seeing the so-called "Divine Emperors" ruled by an eldritch woman for over a hundred years have been sharpening their swords and preparing their Gishan, waiting for the day she dies- the day the Empire will assuredly break out into total war. [TODO NOTE FOR JACKSON: redo internal borders since the consolidation hasn't yet happened now as per this lore and update the Dabyeonci and Suiquae clans to be Dyogong]
Founding Date
1627
Alternative Names
Sanyeong Empire, Ursumar Wanyun, Wanyun of Numanesh
Leader Title
Related Ethnicities
Comments