The League of Five Emperors

Written by Jacob Eugster Edited by Zach Batson

Introduction

The oldest of the Grand Alliances, the League of Five Emperors represents the old world order. Born out of the dreams of Klemens von Metternich, the initial alliance brought together three of the oldest houses of Europe. With the addition of two like minded Imperial powers, the League holds a vast swath of land and wealth, holding their stretched nation-states together through traditional governance and mutual economic dominance. As the world around them grows ever-restless, this powerful union potentially stands as the only bulwark against the chaos.

Metternich’s Final Masterpiece

By the close of the 1850s, the old European order lay in ruins. The devastating aftermath of the Franco-Imperial War had not only ravaged communities across central Europe but also unleashed profound political upheaval. The fragile alliance between the French Republic and The Holy Roman Empire had been irreparably shattered, leaving the former partners in a state of bitter discord as new power structures emerged. Diplomatically cut off from its former peers in Great Britain and the French Republic, The Holy Roman Empire found itself in a precarious position with limited options.

Seeking a new balance on the continent, the great statesman and HRE minister of the interior, Klemens von Metternich, began to pursue a secretive new political alliance. The obvious choice for alliance and the greatest power with which the HRE continued excellent relations was The Russian Empire. Already diplomatically isolated in their own right and reliant on HRE support to balance their increasingly unstable domestic political situation, The Russian Empire was presented as the natural and historical friend needed by the HRE to weather the storm already visible on the horizon. The existing agreements between The Russian Empire and the HRE, however, could not stand as they were. Diplomatically isolated but internally strengthened by the consolidation of power under the Kaiser during wartime, Metternich insisted that the political landscape required a formal shift recognizing the political reality of Imperial Hegemony. Powerless to resist in the face of internal opposition and reliance on Imperial support, Russian diplomats were forced to secretly agree to sign any further alliance document in which the authority and sovereignty of the Tsar remained absolute within Russia.

However, any alliance between only the two powers was likely to cause more political harm than good. The Russian Empire was already beginning to be perceived as an Imperial puppet state, and in any event, cooperation between these powers could already be assured. Support from additional states was necessary to increase the legitimacy of the alliance block and allow the Russian delegation room to be perceived as a partner sitting at a table of peers and not as a lackey to their larger and more powerful neighbor. As such, Metternich began the two-year-long process of soliciting applications for membership in the block to any state that wished to send a delegation. Unfortunately for the summit, named the World Concert partly due to its scope and partly due to the unfortunate length of time needed to complete it, few nations attended.

Delegates from the Spanish and Portuguese thrones were officially blocked from attendance by decree from the British parliament and the French Emperor, while the conference was boycotted by all Nordic countries, Poland, and the Baltics due to their claims that it constituted a military alliance and was wildly inflammatory. However, delegates were received from the Brazilian, Ethiopian, and, most strangely, Joseon empires.

Brazil, having faced diplomatic isolation following the de-facto destruction of the Portuguese Empire at the hands of The British Empire, was eager to seek the HRE as a security guarantor in its expected future conflicts with the states of Latin America. When Emperor Pedro II attended the concert himself, along with many members of his extended family, he was quickly invited to take up residence at Schönbrunn Palace. While the French government felt slighted at the granting of the same lodgings to the Brazilian royal family which had been granted to Napoleon himself years earlier, the Von Habsburg and de Braganca houses got along famously, and by the end of Emperor Pedro II’s 3-month stay at Schönbrunn, three betrothals had already been arranged between the members of the families. Before his departure and return to Brazil. Emperor Pedro II instructed his diplomats to move forward with the entrance into the new alliance block, and to regard The Holy Roman Empire as the newest and closest friends of the House de Braganca and the Brazilian people.

The Ethiopian delegation may not have included Emperor Tewodros II, but it arrived to greater fanfare. Having waged a desperate guerilla war against what British diplomats claimed were rogue citizens on a colonial adventure, but which the Ethiopian government maintained had the support of the British monarch, the Ethiopian delegation saw no opportunity to safely dispatch their diplomats from Addis Ababa. Seeing how well the Ethiopian guerilla forces had been able to resist British control and desperately wanting their membership in his new alliance, Metternich secretly dispatched a small zeppelin designed for stealth and speed to covertly retrieve the Ethiopian diplomatic party even while Addis Ababa faced British bombardment. The Kaiser himself was unaware of this covert action but cheered alongside the rest of the assembled crowds when the Ethiopian flag was unfurled from the otherwise unmarked Zeppelin loitering over the Vienna fairgrounds. While Ethiopia was not formally admitted to the alliance until the cessation of its hostilities with Great Britain years later, this grand entrance left little doubt of that eventuality.

By the end of the world concert in 1860s, representatives of The Holy Roman Empire, The Russian Empire, and the Empire of Brazil, had agreed to a mutual defensive alliance with other signatories, including a papal legate. The members of the organization agreed to support each other militarily in the event that one of them faced invasion from a hostile power and to provide material and military support to the as yet unsigned member of the Empire of Ethiopia. The Alliance persisted in relative peace for the next 40 years, with the Ethiopian Empire being granted formal admission in 1903, bringing the number of Imperial members, and therefore the name of the league, to four.

The Imperial Kowtow

The final signatory to the Imperial League was the least expected. The Joseon Empire, which had traditionally remained as diplomatically isolated as possible from European politics, pursued a change of policy after witnessing the devastation of The Russo-Japanese War of 1905. Seeing firsthand the result of the arbitration of Western powers over Asian affairs, The Joseon cabinet began to make overtures for membership to the League of Four Emperors. However, due to opposition from the Russian delegation and the fact that Joseon wished to enter the block immediately in 1906, and the next conference was not scheduled until 1910, the Joseon were forced to agree to unfortunate terms.

The Joseon Empire was allowed to enter the alliance immediately, on the condition that it accept whatever terms were chosen in absentia by the existing members of the block and that the Emperor be required to attend Vienna in person and sign the document himself. While originally outraged at the insulting nature of the offer, increasing tension in southern China and the almost certainty of another war breaking out, which Joseon could not afford to fight under any circumstances, the Joseon emperor eventually bowed to the pleading of his statesman.

And so, in 1906, Emperor Himjo made the first and only journey to Europe ever made by an Emperor of Joseon. After an opulent reception ceremony at Schönbrunn Palace where the Emperor was afforded every luxury and honor, including his being assigned a seat at the right hand of the Kaiser during the banquet, the Emperor personally signed the treaty confirming Joseon membership in what was is now known as the League of Five Emperors. However, when the original 1860 document - which was drafted in Latin - was brought out for Emperor Himjo to sign, a minor incident occured. The Emperor refused to sign a document that he could not read. After an hour-long and often heated argument between the Kaiser and the Emperor through their translators, the Emperor backed down and signed the document.

While Joseon statesmen had hoped that this drastic step would be enough to stabilize their position in the face of increasing pressure from the British to their south and the ascending Japanese to their east, initial support was limited. League cooperation had indeed done much to improve relations between Joseon and The Russian Empire to its north, forbidding formal hostilities. However, the new relationship did grant Joseon many benefits which would prove crucial to its survival and relative prosperity in the coming decades. Technology sharing allowed for a rapid modernization of the Joseon military, which was swiftly filled with foreign military advisors. The most notable of these was the famed Imperial Field Marshals Alexander von Falkenhausens, and August von Mackensen.

While the worst Russian offenses had been checked by treaty, the Empire now faced more insidious internal threats. Corporate entities often capitalized on their technological and organizational advantage to outcompete Joseon enterprises. Originally welcomed by Joseon statesman as a modernizing force which would bring the large but underdeveloped economy up to equal terms with its peers, heavy corporate involvement proved a mixed blessing. HRE and Brazilian capitalists found themselves reluctant to invest in what noted Imperial economist Carl Menger publicly referred to as a “shaky market”. As a result, the primary investments into the burgeoning Joseon market came from underregulated Russian corporations willing to take risks and take advantage of outmoded local regulations. This had the effect of weakening the control of both The Russian Empire and Joseon as their central governments were forced to contend with influential and independent minded corporate entities.

Increased corporate control, especially given its foreign nature, proved damaging to popular perception of Joseon in the long run. Corporate enterprises attracted large numbers of Joseon citizens with promises of steady pay and newly available foreign amenities. However, the poor conditions and brutal control exerted on pseudo-indentured workers in company towns and factories proved fertile grounds for the growing communist movement. While membership in the League guaranteed the territorial integrity of its members, its provisions did not require direct aid in suppressing local unrest.

The League of Five Emperors

In 1938, The League of Five Emperors stands as one of the most important power blocks in the world. Metternich’s final masterpiece has stood the test of time and allowed The Holy Roman Empire to project its power all around the world. While its detractors in France, Britain, and the United States refer to it as merely The Holy Roman Empire's network of puppets, its supporters point out that it has been able to maintain peace in Europe for decades, and the benefits associated with membership have allowed for great economic and military advancements in its junior partners, who gain access to Imperial technological expertise as well as investment from powerful international Russian corporations.

While often criticized by strategists for its expansive size and the isolating effects of the great distance between some members, the League effectively allows its Holy Roman Imperial leadership to project power throughout the world even in the absence of a colonial system. Meanwhile, the League has allowed its members to maintain an iron grip on Central and Eastern Europe. Barring the security concerns posed by Poland-Lithuania and Byzantium, the League allows for an unbroken system of military and political alliances from the Rhine in its western extremity all the way to Central China and the Korean peninsula in the East. The operational depth provided from its monumental size has given rise to a defensive mentality which has become pervasive in the military academies of its member states.

The Ethiopian and Brazilian Empires, however, are cut off from their allies by great distance and superior enemy forces on both land and sea. As such, the League has invested heavily into its Balfour-drive powered airship fleets. Today the Holy Roman Imperial Zeppelin Corps is by far the largest in-atmosphere airforce in the world, and due to tech sharing agreements and generous export terms to other League members Imperial-made airship contingents are often found attached to Brazilian and Ethiopian military units. These two states are currently reaping the benefits of the organization, without the downsides presented by land borders with any current enemies of the league. Of course, their positions may grow dangerous very quickly should hostilities break out with The Anglo-Japanese Pact. Thankfully both states have been granted the breathing space they need to drastically ramp up armament in preparation for what many see as an inevitable escalation. In the meantime both Ethiopia and Brazil have pledged two expeditionary corps each to the European theater no less than six months after any declaration of war.

While originally placed on the back foot by the tenacity of the unexpected French attack, the incredible military potential presented by a fully mobilized League has placed the French in a precarious position. French command must push relentlessly east, and attempt to cripple the Imperial war machine before it can get on its feet. If they fail, the League presents them with the prospect of pushing ever further east in a bitter war which could theoretically persist throughout all of Asia, and onto territories such as Alaska and beyond.