Petropolis
Petropolis holds the honor of being the first city established on Terra Nova's northern plains. Ground was broken on the settlement in TN 499 based on colonial exploration reports that identified it as sitting on a wealthy petroleum deposit. The richness of the oil fields was highlighted when an oil gusher resulted from the very first geological drilling undertaken by ChemCol of Terra Nova (a subsidiary of a Terran corporation). By TN 570, ChemCol had over 20,000 workers living in portable habitats at or near company sites. Several development companies were contracted, and residential and commercial buildings soon filled the gaps between pumping stations. With "adequate" housing and some semblance of a city (rather than a glorified refinery) Petropolis' population swelled. When the colony vessels departed for Earth in the fifteenth century, ChemCol was still in charge and reaping an enormous profit from the massive oil field. Many executives had no problems with remaining on Terra Nova and changed the company's name to Northern Petrochem. Petropolis became a power in the era of Reconstruction, exerting its influence over much of the Irrian Plain until the alliance between Valeria and Sorrento forced it into submission and membership in the Norlight Confederacy.
Petropolis has spent four centuries as a Norlight city-state fighting to remain a corporate enclave. The population is largely made up of devoutly Revisionist workers, but Northern Petrochem seems to worship nothing but its profit margin. In TN 1873, Petropolis was still a glorified work camp, with a very small corporate core providing services for executives and managers while workers lived in dingy, prefabricated lodgings. Then Thor Hutchison arrived. A young priest at the time, Hutchison realized that it was his duty to use his faith to guide Petropolis to a better life. It was not long before Petropolis was the center of Revisionist-inspired labor activity, with the thundering sermons of Reverand Hutchison as its rallying cry. Petrochem initially had no objections; they even made a massive donation to fund the building of a new central church for the local congregation. The trouble started when Hutchison and others began to complain about the deplorable living conditions of Petropolis; namely, the prodigious amount of smog that enshrouded the city. In Hutchison's first major victory, Petrochem was forced to implement several environmental programs (even if only on a limited scale) and to embark on a program of improved housing for its citizens.
Nevertheless, many problems remain unsolved and some laborers have become increasingly disgruntled, their anger rekindling some energy to ebbing religious fervor. Petrochem CEO (and city leader) Emil Grozz-Dutrie is reportedly becoming increasingly unsettled as a result, but others claim that his rapid rise to power in the TN 1880s may be finally coming to haunt him. Indeed, he received a great deal of help from Hutchison and the nascent The Prophet's Shield at that time and he fears that they now wish to control Petrochem. Grozz-Dutrie is not a religious man by nature, however, and is most concerned with keeping his power unchallenged. Following the advice of his assistant Marie Gauld, he has stepped back from the public scene and is trying to string the Second Follower along.
Demographics
City of Oil
Petropolis'small population belies its size; the city is a veritable warren of pumping stations and refineries, spanning over 20 kilometers. The western skyline is dominated by Northern Petrochem's pyramidal Refinery Number One. The 150-metertall construct is part refinery, part pumping station, and part corporate headquarters. Across its sloping facade, gasdissipating fires burn night and day, giving the structure a hellish appearance. At the city's eastern end stands the Petropolis Central Church, the white stone of its large square frame blackened by years of pollution. Over everything hangs a thick smog, coating exposed surfaces in a thin layer of grease and ash over time. This oppressive atmosphere sets the stage for one of Terra Nova's more volatile societal scenes.
All of Petropolis' employees/citizens belong to the mammoth Northern Worker's Consortium, one of the largest labor unions on Terra Nova. Currently, elements within the Consortium are at odds with Revisionist fundamentalists, who seek to apply the doctrines of their religion to Consortium (and, by extension, Petrochem) policy. A growing number of Consortium members are not at all pleased with the politicization of their religion, going so far as to call it blasphemous. The Consortium itself is thus rent from within, and no citizen is spared by the conflict.
The average Petropolitan is firm in his or her convictions, and thus quick to take sides and quick to anger. As tensions in the city increase, religious and labor Leaders have been attempting to soothe the passions of both sides, hoping to forestall any violence. The CNCS and NLC governments are concerned about the situation in a critical fuel-producing center, and have authorized Northern Guard Military Police units to be present at union and religious events. Much to the CNCS' dismay, even these "impartial peacekeepers" are beginning to be polarized.
Government
Corporate Power
Northern Guard's Board of Civic Affairs (BCA), a body composed of various oversight committees, administers the city-state and strives unsuccessfully to remain neutral amidst the growing tumult of Petropolis' political scene. The oversight committees, charged with regulating such things as utilities, environmental measures (which continues to dominate the daily docket) and defense, are the real centers of power and the Northern Worker's Consortium has successfully argued for a seat at these tables. The BCA receives daily protests from the city-state's non-employee residents, but their voice is even less powerful than that of the oil-workers and are not even considered citizens. The NWC has been demanding a democratization of the political process in Petropolitan politics, but Petrochem and President Grozz-Dutrie have been very unresponsive, confidant that the internal strife within the union has made it weak. To try to further deflect the criticism of corporate dictatorship, the Board of Civic Affairs appointed a non-employee, Samael Kellye, to the prominent board position of Utility Oversight Committee Chief, but this has done little to stem the tide of protests.
Normally, the CEO/President presides over BCA meetings, but Emil Grozz-Dutrie has been absent from these meetings this cycle, leaving things to his adjutant, Executive Vice-president Marie Gauld. Gauld is strangely at ease about the absence of her superior, continuing to speak in his name at all board meetings. Rumors that she is poised to seize power run amok in corporate circles, fanned by her political opponents in the board's religious minority. Her position as NWCs board representative has only strengthened her position, and opponents fear she will make her move soon.
Industry & Trade
- Petrolum
- Petrolum-based products
- Industrial cleansers
Black Gold
Petropolis' main export has always been and continues to be its massive flow of petroleum products, chief among them fuels and lubricants. Pipelines run from the city to outlying tanker stations, and from there the products are disbursed throughout the entire CNCS. Production has slackened a bit of late, as Northern Petrochem proceeds with scheduled overhauls of its refining stations. Rumors abound that the petroleum deposit beneath the city is finally running dry, but Northern Petrochem dismisses these as sheer nonsense. The company insists that production has increased exponentially with the advent of better refining procedures and technologies.
The city's other export is industrial cleansers. Several smaller chemical companies, in response to the city's rampant pollution, have been marketing a series of cleaning agents. The most successful has been a petroleum-free magnetic coating that reduces surface friction as well as, if not slightly more than, currently used lubricants. The coating, when applied to building facades, results in clean surfaces even on days when air quality is at its lowest. Another cleanser, FLoren 21, is powerful enough in its base form to burn through solid stone, and Northern Petrochem markets it in varying degrees of dilution.
Petrochem has never taken law enforcement that seriously beyond the need for corporate security and has paid the price with a serious crime problem. The Kolson-Forzi cartel wars currently rage in the dark alleys of the worker residences of Petropolis, as both powers try to dominate the local underworld and ensure safe channels for illicit goods. The increase in North-South tensions have also become a problem because Petropolis has become a tempting target for sabotage. Mekong Dominion agents were responsible for the destruction of Refinery 15 south of the City in TN 1929. Petrochem has cooperated fully with efforts to safeguard its facilities from the so-called "ghost teams" of Mekong saboteurs, but seems unconcerned about the cartels and has provided very limited support to NorPol's anti-cartel task force.
Guilds and Factions
The Northern Worker's Consortium
One of the most influential forces at work in Petropolis today, the Northern Worker's Consortium began over two hundred cycles ago. In TN 1727, a small organization to protect worker's rights was formed after a numerous complaints of poor working conditions in ore mines. This simple organization grew in size and scope as laborers from all sectors of industry attained the representation they craved. As time passed, Consortium representatives gained respect in corporate circles and they are now one of the important partners in the Norlight Economic Development Commission.
Today, the NWC is among Terra Nova's larger organizations, taking in annual dues from thousands of workers across the hemisphere. In response to a series of pay cuts in Hartmore Motor Company, the NWC initiated a strike that hamstrung the company for nearly an entire cycle. The NWC also holds considerable political power, as hopeful politicians are careful to courts its members' favor when campaigning. The People's Party has been closely linked to the NWC on several different occasions. Of late, the Northern Worker's Consortium has gained a darker reputation: rumors of connections to organized crime abound. These rumors are perpetuated by the NWCs continued silence on the subject, as well as the disappearance of several reporters who got too close to the truth of the NWCs debt to the Kolson Cartel.
It is this criminal element that has convinced Thor Hutchison, who gained support from the union in the TN 1870s, that the current leadership must be replaced. His allies have launched an internal effort to displace the corrupt union heads. Hutchison's plan is to build the religious factions into contenders and then provide them with the ammunition required to secure the union. To this end, the The Prophet's Shield is exerting pressure on Emil Grozz-Dutrie, whose rise to power had much to do with the shadowy actions of the young Hutchison. The Shield has placed Marie Cauld, a member in good standing, into position to put pressure on Grozz-Dutrie.
Maps
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Petropolis
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